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ASIWAJU BOLA TINUBU: A KING MAKER’S JOURNEY TO THE THRONE

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The question on everyone’s mind is: can Tinubu achieve his biggest political ambition in 2023?
The presidential candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, has been severally described in different words and phrases, the most poignant of which is “political strategist.” Since 1992, when he debuted as the senator representing Lagos West Senatorial District, he has been a harvest of electoral successes.

The Social Democratic Party (SDP)─the party on which back he rode to the senate, suffered what could be described as “military conspiracy” when the June 12, 1993 presidential elections, won by Chief MKO Abiola, was scandalously annulled. The post-annulment era could be said to have brought out the serious politician in Tinubu, as he teamed up with political allies and fought the General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime. This action eventually saw Babangida out of power in August 1993. This happened against Babangida’s alleged wish to perpetuate himself into power and transmute to a civilian president.

Tinubu was in the company of Abiola when he visited General Sani Abacha shortly before Abacha sacked the Interim National Government led by Chief Ernest Sonekan in November 1993. The purpose of that visit was to discuss the way forward from the political stalemate the country was experiencing. He would, however, pay the price of his strong stance against the June 12 annulment when Abacha’s regime reneged on his earlier promise to install Abiola and consequently turned the heat against him and all the other opposition.

Tinubu fled the country through the neighboring Benin Republic. He was in exile when he emerged as one of the financiers of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). This anti-military socio-political group was at the forefront of the struggle to have the annulled election reversed. In an interview published by The News, a Nigeria’s weekly magazine, Tinubu shared his experience on his escape out of Nigeria after he had earlier been subjected to arrest and detention.

“Then the British High Commission got information through the Consular-General that my life was in danger. He stamped a visa on a sheet of paper and wrote a letter authorizing the airline to pick me up from Benin Republic to any port of entry in Britain. I didn’t know how they got to me. A lady just walked up to me and handed me an envelope. She said I had been granted entry into the United Kingdom. She said I could be killed if I failed to leave in the next 48 hours. It was Air Afrique that took me from Benin Republic to London. Meanwhile, my wife was still in the United States. I landed in Britain and worked my way back to Benin Republic. I picked up my passport from somewhere. I went to an African country, and through their connections, they gave me a diplomatic passport as a cultural ambassador.”

It was a turbulent period for Tinubu until Abacha died suddenly in June 1998. General AbdulSalam Abubakar, who succeeded Abacha, granted all political detainees freedom, including those in exile, to participate in another election to usher in a new civilian administration. Like others, Tinubu returned home and joined the Alliance for Democracy (AD). The party was seen as an offshoot of the late Premier of the Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), and that which would make a general appeal to the Yoruba people of South-Western Nigeria.

After an intense party primary, Tinubu emerged as the governorship candidate of the party in Lagos State and went on to secure victory in the elections. He became the executive governor of the state on May 29, 1999, at a colorful swearing-in ceremony. His eight-year administration saw him delivering innovative policies, which affirmed the status of Lagos State as a frontline among states of the federation, especially in terms of Internally Generated Revenue (IGR).

His most enduring landmark is his ability to assemble old and young technocrats with whom he administered the state and achieved tremendous results. Most particularly, he had a deliberate succession plan aimed at sustaining his 1999 vision for the state and pursued it with vigor. After his term in 2007, his Chief of Staff, Babatunde Fashola, succeeded him as the governor and continued where Tinubu left off. Fashola enjoyed Tinubu’s support until he completed eight years in 2015, when another Tinubu’s protégé, Akinwumi Ambode, succeeded him. However, Ambode could only govern for four years before another protégé of Tinubu, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, succeeded him in May 2019.

Reflecting on his legacy in government, Tinubu affirmed, “My best legacy is the financial engineering of Lagos State, especially to bring financial autonomy to Lagos State and eliminate waste and mismanagement. That was just one aspect of it. My greatest legacy is Governor Babatunde Fashola; I identified and endorsed him. That was when my corporate background as a recruiter and talent seeker for Deloitte came to play. Part of the training when you go on operational audit is that the first thing you evaluate is the personnel and the questionnaire given to them and how they answer it. You look at the ability of individuals to really take and develop others.

There is nothing unique about any leadership. Everybody can come up with different ideas. You can take different routes and arrive at the same answer. No matter how much steel and metal you put together, the greatest achievement and legacy is the ability to develop other leaders who can succeed you. Otherwise, your legacy will be in shambles. It was a very difficult and challenging period for me. I thank God I stuck to my guns.”

In his administration, Tinubu took on the Federal Government headed by President Olusegun Obasanjo over fiscal federalism and local government. As a dogged fighter, he refused to be intimidated, and he pursued the legal matter to a reasonable conclusion. He confirmed that the creation of the local governments became his favorite among issues with which he confronted the federal government because, according to him, the processes are clearly stated and well-articulated in the constitution.

“And if you do all that and comply with the constitutional requirements, then you should not be denied. I believe in true federalism. I believe in local government administration, which I think is a service center for the state. The constitution is clear. It is a misnomer to even think that there are three tiers of government in a federal system of government. There are only two—the state and the federal. It is because the constitution was put together by a group of military people who believe in command and control that we have this kind of anomaly. They tinkered with it, and they tailored it in a way that would suit a unitary system, and I believe that was the problem. We still don’t have a constitution of ‘we the people’. The battle was not personally directed at Obasanjo.”

From 1999 to date, no other politician shares this track record of being a successful kingmaker with Tinubu. In other words, his hold on Lagos politics, to supervise who gets what is never in doubt—the status makes him the rallying point to politicians beyond his party. That is why it was easy for him to effectively champion alliance with members of opposition parties, a sustained effort that yielded fruits in 2015 when the APC was birthed through a merger by the ACN, CPC, PDP, ANPP, and APGA and won the presidential elections that brought the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari to power on May 29, 2015.

With his indisputable role in building a bridge across parties, Tinubu’s decision to throw in the hat and contest for the presidency did not come as a surprise to many political analysts due to his investment in people. His profile shows he has prepared himself well for the highest office, unlike those who found themselves in the seat of power by the benevolence of power brokers or the system.

A Harvard-trained strategist, Dr. John Ekundayo, on Tinubu’s trajectory to the throne, wrote: “Enough of ‘accidental presidents and governors’ all over Nigeria’s political landscape!!! How? For instance, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, after being released from prison in 1998, had the leadership of the country thrust on him without his demanding or desiring it! Hence, Nigerians should not blame him; he did not prepare for the onerous duty of a democratic leader.

He was a military leader. He did his best, though, like one of my mentors would say: his best was not enough! Obasanjo, to his credit, gave us some enduring institutions. Moreover, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was also another ‘accidental president’ thrust on Nigerians due to the ill health and eventual demise of Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who succeeded Obasanjo. Neither of the duo had a vision of becoming president. This must not be allowed to happen in our polity, whether at local government or state or federal level, again! Enough of ‘unwilling and/or accidental’”

In the book, Asiwaju: Leadership in Troubled Times, Fasola stated, “Let me talk generally about this public image that I do not remember one public contest where he has lost the war. I speak of many battles-fronts, from Oyo to Borgu, Ife, Ibadan, Lagos, and Anambra, to mention but a few. Of course, he bears many battle scars, which attests to his tactical ability to surrender battles to win wars.”

A one-time Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning in Lagos State, Ben Akabueze wrote: “Asiwaju has displayed an unusual success in attracting and retaining some of Nigeria’s best professionals in various fields to serve in government during his tenure as Governor of Lagos State. These professionals come from different states in the federation because, with Asiwaju, competence counts far above other primordial considerations. Indeed, this is one defining characteristic of the Tinubu leadership style (sic).”

Ekundayo also wrote, “Going by his corporate and political antecedents, from his days in Mobil Oil to the Senate, to Lagos House, to his membership of Alliance for Democracy (AD), to the formation of Action Congress (AC), to transforming it to Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) (to give the party a national outlook), and then finally to a merger of parties establishing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Tinubu has been acclaimed as a determined and distinguished dogged fighter.”

These last lines fitly depict his personality, profile, and profundity in politics and politicking within Nigeria’s context: “I plan for betrayal, I plan for backstabbing, I also plan for reunion and forgiveness long before they happen. In life, I expect nothing. I expect anything. I expect everything.” There is no gainsaying that he is well prepared for the hurdles and hustles head up to 2023.

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Politics

BREAKING: Tinubu Appoints Gbajabiamila Chief Of Staff

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Femi Gbajabiamila, the current Speaker of the House of Representatives, has been chosen to take on the role of Chief of Staff to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Thepopulistnews reports that this decision effectively removes him from the upcoming 10th National Assembly.

Gbajabiamila, who secured a 6th term as the representative of Surulere Federal Constituency in Lagos State, announced his Chief of Staff, Olanrewaju Smart Wasiu, on his official Facebook page on Thursday morning.

The statement read, “After extensive deliberations and consultations, President Bola Tinubu has made his first appointment, selecting the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, as the President’s Chief of Staff.”

According to the statement, the President’s decision to appoint Gbajabiamila came after thoroughly evaluating various potential candidates among his loyalists.

This move signifies a significant departure for Gbajabiamila, who is yet to receive his certificate of return from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), as he will now forego his sixth term in the House of Representatives to join the executive branch of government.

Sources mentioned in the statement revealed that the President’s choice of Gbajabiamila over James Faleke, the representative of Ikeja Federal Constituency and an effective campaigner for Tinubu, was motivated by the desire to have someone who could assist in persuading lawmakers in the National Assembly to support his proposed policies.

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Cameroon government frowns on promoters of hate speech

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Cameroon’s Minister of Communication, Rene Emmanuel Sadi, the President of the National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism, Peter Mafany Musonge and the Minister of Territorial Administrations, Paul Atanga Nji held a joint press conference to address the issue of hate speech and xenophobia in the country and the measures the government intends to take to address the said issue.

In a press conference, May 17, in the country’s capital, Yaoundé, they discussed the impact of hate speech on society and emphasized the need for immediate action to combat it.

The officials also highlighted the importance of freedom of expression and the responsibility that comes with it. Hate speech, they emphasized, is not only harmful to the targeted individuals or groups, but also to society as a whole.

“From this perspective, it goes without saying that the fight against hate speech must be perceived as an absolute priority towards safeguarding democracy and the Rule of Law, and preserving the values of peace, unity and living together, » said Minister Sadi.

« That, » he went on, « is the reason why the International Community has made it a common cause and is calling for an all-round mobilization against hate speech on a global scale.”

The officials in their sitting also noted that hate speech can take many forms, including verbal and written communication, as well as actions and symbols that promote hatred or discrimination, which they had noticed to have become rampant, especially amongst various tribes and communities in the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge of the bilingualism commission encouraged Cameroonians to embrace living together, as prescribed by the Head of state, President Paul Biya.

Cameroon’s Minister of Communication, Rene Emmanuel Sadi, the President of the National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism, Peter Mafany Musonge and the Minister of Territorial Administrations, Paul Atanga Nji held a joint press conference to address the issue of hate speech and xenophobia in the country and the measures the government intends to take to address the said issue.

In a press conference, May 17, in the country’s capital, Yaoundé, they discussed the impact of hate speech on society and emphasized the need for immediate action to combat it.

The officials also highlighted the importance of freedom of expression and the responsibility that comes with it. Hate speech, they emphasized, is not only harmful to the targeted individuals or groups, but also to society as a whole.

“From this perspective, it goes without saying that the fight against hate speech must be perceived as an absolute priority towards safeguarding democracy and the Rule of Law, and preserving the values of peace, unity and living together, » said Minister Sadi.

« That, » he went on, « is the reason why the International Community has made it a common cause and is calling for an all-round mobilization against hate speech on a global scale.”

The officials in their sitting also noted that hate speech can take many forms, including verbal and written communication, as well as actions and symbols that promote hatred or discrimination, which they had noticed to have become rampant, especially amongst various tribes and communities in the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge of the bilingualism commission encouraged Cameroonians to embrace living together, as prescribed by the Head of state, President Paul Biya.

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BUHARI’S SUCCESSOR: WHO TAKES OVER ASO ROCK:OBI, KWANKWASO, ATIKU OR TINUBU?

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It is true that only one of the four top contenders for Nigeria’s topmost office will be sworn in as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces on the 29th of May, 2023. Naija Diaspora has examined the four candidates and brings you an insight into their respective stands.

Peter Obi (Labor Party)

Peter Obi rose to the political limelight when he joined politics in 2003 under the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)—a party formed by the late warlord Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. Under this party, Peter Obi ran in gubernatorial elections against the incumbent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2011. Dr Chris Ngige of the PDP was declared the winner of the elections, but Obi and his party challenged the results in the Court of Appeal, which later overturned it on the 15th of March, 2006 and got Obi on the seat of Anambra State governor on the 17th of March, 2006.

His political journey has been punctuated with controversy at different times—especially his impeachment on the 2nd of November, 2006. His deputy, Mrs. Virginia Etiaba, was sworn in, but Obi fought back, reclaimed his mandate on the 9th of February, 2007, and governed the state for two terms of eight years.

The kind of influence Obi has wielded in the past year is arguably unprecedented, as more youths voluntarily express sympathy for the course of a new Nigeria he is championing. On social media, for instance, none of the candidates of other parties can match his overwhelming presence with his oratorical capacity and dissection of the nation’s socio-economic issues backed with relevant statistics and records.

Political analysts within and outside Nigeria are almost in agreement that Obi could spring a surprise and catch candidates of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, unawares, thereby stealing their anticipated occupancy of the Presidential Villa.

This line of thought is more valid because of the fact that politics is a game of numbers, in which garnering the highest votes is the only right key to the Government House. However, it is said that social media support does not and cannot translate to victory at polls, unless that online advocacy is replicated at voting centers across the country at ward levels. In other words, Obi’s supporters need to wake up, rise, and collect their Permanent Voters Card (PVC)—the card that every electorate needs to be eligible to cast their votes for him. To achieve this, a sustainable media campaign should be in place to increase his presence in the mind of other Nigerians, especially the downtrodden masses who have suffered from past conservative administrations.

Findings have revealed that he is making headway regarding the registration of voters, using popular personalities in Nigeria’s entertainment industry to mobilize the youths to obtain their PVC. His shortcoming, so to say, is his inability to connect strongly with state chapters of his party, giving an impression of a one-man show, which cannot guarantee victory in national elections.

On the 18th of June, 2022, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) won the Ekiti State gubernatorial election. Obi’s Labor Party fielded a candidate, Olugbenga Daramola, seemed to have been left to fend for himself while Obi was in faraway Egypt. This lack of state structure is an Achilles heel to the expected wide coverage of the party. It is also in doubt that Obi would mobilize the resources needed to buy votes and perpetrate outright rigging of the elections when it matters most, for the two are reigning determinants of results in Nigeria.

Rabiu Kwankwaso (New Nigeria Peoples Party)

The presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso’s first shot at the presidential primary election was at the All Progressives Congress (APC) primaries held in Lagos in December 2014. He contested alongside the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar, and Rochas Okorocha. Although Kwankwaso lost the election, he came to the polls with a background of a non-consecutive two-term governor of Kano State, a senator, and an influential politician. His followership in Kano State contributed to his eventual victory, which the APC recorded at the general elections in March 2015.

He was one of the then-ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) governors who teamed up with other parties to form the APC in 2013. Other PDP governors included Rivers State’s governor, Rotimi Amaechi, Kwara State’s governor, Abdulfatai Ahmed, Adamawa State’s governor, Murtala Nyako and Sokoto State’s Governor, Aliyu Wamako.

In 2015, Kwankwaso won a seat in the senate but returned to the PDP in 2018 during an internal crisis between him and his State Governor, who was his former Deputy Governor, Ganduje. He lost his second term bid at the senate in 2019 but remained a member of the opposition PDP until his attempt to contest at the party’s primaries for the 2023 elections met a brick wall, hence his formation with the NNPP.

While he has continued to go about public sensitization of his party across the country, Kwankwaso is said not to be on a mission to give the APC and the PDP the stiff contest for the presidency in 2023. At a time, he was rumored to have planned to return to the PDP; at another time, he was touted to ally with the presidential candidate of the Labor Party (LP), Mr. Peter Obi; also, he is speculated to have his eyes back in the APC.

Following Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s choice of the former Borno State Governor Kassim Shettima as his running mate, Kwankwaso eulogized Tinubu in a statement which addressed the wide speculation of his soft spot for the APC and likely rapprochement before the general elections. He was reported to have said, “I am happy with the combination (Muslim-Muslim ticket). My only worry is the platform. Bola Tinubu is a strategist and a good man. I have sat down with him countless times from 1992 to date.”

In another interview on DW Hausa Service, however, he washed his hands clean of the claim of his defection to the APC, saying, “For now, there is nothing like a defection. I am not in talks with anyone or perfecting my plan to defect to APC. All these are rumors.”

Atiku Abubakar (Peoples Democratic Party)

The emergence of the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, as the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), did not come as a surprise to many analysts who had followed his past political adventure─he was the most experienced among the pack. It was with this experience that he beat his closest rival, Nyesom Wike, Governor of Rivers state, who had almost declared himself the winner before the primaries because of his wide reach and increased influence in the party.

Since other parties have elected their respective presidential candidates, Abubakar has given no one reason to doubt his resolve to give the general election in 2023 all it will take to defeat his rivals. He has chosen his running mate in the former Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa. He has begun national and international consultations but remained largely tactical, talking less on the ground he has covered. Given this fact, he is seen as the candidate to beat.

One of his supporters, Senator Dino Melaye, on a television show, indicated that the election will be a walkover for Abubakar based on what he called his physical strength, political experience, and intellectual capacity over other candidates—especially having served as Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the former President Olusegun Obasanjo, between 1999 and 2007.

Boastfully, Melaye said, “Go and write it down and write it clearly in capital letters; by 12 o’clock, by the grace of God, the election is over. For us in the PDP, we have advised Atiku to please put together his acceptance speech because he is the next president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

The shocking victory of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Senator Ademola Adeleke (aka “the dancing senator”), in the Osun State governorship election, has re-ignited the hopes of the PDP Presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, ahead of the 2023 election. Could it herald an Atiku victory?

Bola Tinubu (APC)

Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, can safely be named the godfather of progressive politics in the Fourth Republic, having survived and maintained his party’s leadership position from 1999 to date. The eventual recovery of the South-west states from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), led by his party, is also to Tinubu’s credit. This had successfully supplanted the party in the geo-political zone in the 2003 gubernatorial elections. It was only Tinubu’s Lagos State that survived the political invasion tightly plotted by President Olusegun Obasanjo, who needed the South-west votes to justify his position as the national leader of the then ruling party.

From Lagos to Ogun, Oyo, Osun, and Ekiti States, Tinubu’s protégé served as governors of these states—except in 2019 when the PDP won Oyo State due to reasons not connected with Tinubu. On account of his political exploits, it was unsurprising to his teeming followers when, in 2021, he announced his interest to contest in the APC primaries to choose President Muhammadu Buhari’s successor come 2023.

Right after the news broke, the media space was agog with all shades of commentaries for and against Tinubu’s decision. His sustained engagement of these discourses with convincing premises clearly showed that no pressure would stop him from pursuing his political ambition.

The emergence of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo among the presidential aspirants, sparked fear that Tinubu’s ambition would face an imminent brick wall because Osinbajo was regarded as an anointed candidate for the presidency, having worked harmoniously with President Buhari. Tinubu felt the heat but resolved to fight on.

In the end, he won the party’s ticket at the primaries held in May 2022 in Abuja, and since then, he has not looked back on his way forward to his dream.

Regarding physical and media presence, Tinubu ranks higher among presidential candidates of other parties. Also ahead of his rivals is Tinubu’s crack team of political strategists who are saddled with the responsibilities of guiding Tinubu’s words, actions, and contacts with relevant individuals and groups, all aimed at getting him the highest percentage of votes at the general elections next year.

Even though he tarried for some time before he named his running mate, Senator Kassim Shettima, Tinubu’s choice appears to have doused tension which had built shortly after the primaries in the party as regards his likely choice of Vice President. And the decision has boosted the confidence of party members—one of whom is the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal.

Lawal, who hails from Taraba State, said Tinubu would even beat the PDP’s candidate, Atiku Abubakar, in his Taraba State—in the same margin that President Buhari defeated him in the 2019 elections, and former President Goodluck Jonathan also won Abubakar.

But Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which has triggered religious sentiments, may affect Tinubu’s chances. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has not minced matters over their objection to the Muslim-Muslim ticket. With this in mind, the PDP’s Muslim-Christian ticket may find favor among the masses of the Christian electorate.

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